Couponing: Up Close and Personal

In my last blog post, I discussed The Learning Channel’s “Extreme Couponing” and some of the results from my analysis of the first season. For this post, I will be talking about some of the interviews I have conducted with couponers from the Hampton Roads area.

There were of course similarities: all between the ages of 26 and 37, all female, all white. Other than that, however, there a lot of differences. The couponers worked in different field, were both married and single, and had a range of salaries. The reasons they started couponing were different, but had a similar theme. Some event prompted them. None of these couponers had always couponed, or just picked it up as a habit. One had to put herself through graduate school, another left her job to become a stay at home mom and had to make up the difference in income. In one case, couponing started as a way to afford groceries.

What surprised me the most was the time they spent on it. Most spent around 1-2 hours a week. A WEEK. I spend more time on Facebook. And while these couponers aren’t saving 98% off every grocery bill, they are still saving 50-80% regularly. These couponers had other things going on in their lives. They have jobs, and kids, and in one case going back to school online. None of the interviewees expressed distress when asked if they could see themselves giving up couponing. It was an important activity in their life, but not something that defined them to an extreme level.

There were also some interesting inconsistencies in their beliefs about couponing; one couponer told me that couponing is a diverse activity, while another told me it’s mostly upper middle class white housewives. One said that it was a great way for poorer families to save money, while another explained that the poorest families can’t always afford the Sunday paper, let alone computers or printers to help maximize savings. While these couponers might be grouped together culturally, it was very obvious that these were different individuals with different attitudes and motivations.

It would certainly be easier to say, “Well, none of the reasons provided really fit with the idea of a consumer culture! Guess that doesn’t fit!” but unfortunately most people aren’t going to flat out say, “I coupon so I can have all this stuff!” They might say, “I wanted to maintain a certain lifestyle” or “It was a very exciting experience when I started”. These are things to think about while I write my final paper, where I am very excited to finally look at everything: the previous research on consumerism and decision making, the reality show, and the personal interviews.

For those who are wondering (both of you), I did attempt to coupon using various strategies. I did pretty well, until I realized I was buying things I didn’t need right then, and creating a stockpile in my parents house was not very welcomed. I’m still most proud of getting a 64 oz bottle of Ocean Spray juice for only $50. And for getting a free internet security suite from Staples.

Being Paid to Watch Television

Over the last week, I have made it through one season of TLC’s Extreme Couponing. Over 12 episodes, the show focuses on 24 individuals who manage to save 89-101% on their grocery bill. These bills range from $146.4 to $3,159.30. The couponers from the first season are 88% female, 84% caucasian, and only 32% are stay at home mothers. Of the 2/3 that have jobs, those jobs include hospice worker, small business owner, medical transcriptionist, gymnastics coach, radio producer, and paralegal. None are over 45; 8 are in their 20s, 10 in their 30s, and 3 in their 40s (4 unknown).  Only 4 have no children. 48% of the couponers live in a suburban areas, 40% live in an urban area, and 12.5% in a rural area. Only 24% of the couponers explicitly mention donating to charity, and 36% of them routinely give away goods to family or friends. All of them have large stockpiles of food and products. It was unsurprising that most of the couponers would be female, white, have children, and live in suburban or urban areas. According to the show, over 60% of grocery shopping is done by females. As the majority of the population is Caucasian, a greater percentage of say, Hispanics, on the show would be a point for closer inspection. The presence of children is also an expected component of couponers’ lives, as a larger family means a neccessity for more groceries, and so more opportunity for and benefit from coupons. Couponing takes quite a bit of shopping time, and in rural areas where grocery stores are less abundant, it is harder for the kind of vigilant couponing that takes place on the show. It was unexpected that the majority would have jobs and be under the age of 40. However, this may be explained by the nature of television and the demographics of TLC viewers or the viewers TLC is trying to reach. This may also unwittingly explain the higher percentage of female and white couponers shown on the show.

The couponers nearly always expressed pride in their stockpiles and the money they saved. They all had incredible organization of their coupons, their stockpiles, and their strategies. All the couponers expressed a great deal of nervousness and excitement while at the register. Interestingly, nearly all the couponers described their shopping trip on the shows as “their biggest haul ever,” and every episode featured problems with the register or coupon policy. The motivations for beginning coupons generally fell into one of three categories: the family had financial problems which were helped by couponing, parents want to provide for their children, or couponers who had grown up with poor or couponing families. For some of the couponers, this initial motivation then translates into couponing to donate, but for others it just builds until couponing is a second job and the family stockpile is a second family.

Coupons can be found many places, but most of the coupons found on the show are from newspaper inserts that can be found in Sunday papers. However, these coupons are supplemented with coupons from online, from packages of previously bought goods, or catalinas (coupons printed at the register for future purchases). When a couponer buys 10 of an item, though, they need 10 of the coupons for that item, and this results in these couponers collecting newspaper coupons from friends, from the printing companies themselves, from recycling plants, or even dumpster diving. The couponers who partake in such activities generally express pride in these activities.

I hesitate to make any conclusions just yet, especially since my research is from a TV show and is not the most representative. Next, I will begin work on tracking down couponers in the Williamsburg/Hampton Roads/Newport News area. In personal interviews, it will be much easier to draw conclusions since I can obtain the information I want myself, rather than passively getting it from a TV show.

While I haven’t started on my conclusions just yet, I have learned quite a bit about couponing itself. One of the main strategies of couponing is matching manufacturer’s coupons with in store sales. For example, at Farm Fresh they currently have a sale of buy 2 boxes of Nabisco crackers (Triscuit, Wheat Thins, Ritz) for $4, meaning each box is $2. If I also have a coupon that will save me $1 on any two boxes, that makes the total $3, or $1.50 a box. The next step is to find a store that doubles coupons. This means that the store will match whatever the value of your coupon is below a certain level. At Farm Fresh, they will match $0.99 and below every day, but on Wednesdays they will double $1 coupons. So, if I went on Wednesday, my $1 coupon would become a $2 coupon. My 2 boxes of Wheat Thins would cost a total of $2, or $1 a box, over 50% off. The goal is to do this for as many products as possible, and use those incredible savings to buy other items that generally don’t have coupons (like produce or meat). There are other ways of couponing, such as catalinas,or a coupon that might give a certain amount off for every X number of items bought. The trick is to combine as many offers as possible to get the most amount off.

And why would I know such specifics about Farm Fresh’s coupon policy and their current sale on Wheat Thins? Because I, Anna Glendening, have begun the journey of couponing. I couldn’t resist. Especially not when Staples was selling Martha Stewart coupon organizers in my favorite color (no shame). I unfortunately don’t have any Sunday newspaper coupon inserts yet (my subscription doesn’t start until this coming Sunday), so I must make do with internet coupons. I’ve already made some ground rules: I refuse to buy anything I won’t use or I would never have a reason to get other than the coupon. Come back next week to find out how my Wednesday shopping trip goes.

And here’s a video of a very excited dog.

The Psychology and Sociology of Extreme Couponing: Background on Consumerism and Discounts

After one week spent on research, I can truthfully say that I was woefully uneducated about the range of theories, books, and genera energy devoted to consumerism and grocery shopping. Because my topic is a bit of an oddball, there is no book already written about “The Psychology and Sociology of Extreme Couponing.” Instead, my research into the literature has taken a sideways approach. I’ve looked at discussions on the history of consumerism, explaining individual consumption, the consuming culture, the age of cheap, consuming as a way to create identity, competitive spending, how grocery shoppers make decisions, and how we navigate grocery stores. All of these things relate to my question of what factors influences extreme couponers, but I’m the one putting the puzzle together.

While consumerism is mainly thought of today as centered in the United States, it began started in Western Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries. Before then, there were of course bits and pieces that looked like consumerism, certainly among the rich: the fashion of the Chinese and Japanese courts was sometimes determined by trendsetters, the revival of classical styles during the Renaissance resembled a fad, and there has always been an acceptance in the merchant class of nearly every society that acquiring and displaying goods conveys wealth. However, “consuming” as a status symbol, and identity, or just a pastime couldn’t exist as part of a society. The only people able to consume on such a high level were the extremely rich (who originally got that position through politics or wars), new items to be consumed were not consistently generated, many world religions were actually against such self-indulgent activity, and past societies generally preferred holding to traditional standards. Society was about surviving and maintaining a person’s level in society.

So how did this preoccupation with consumption start? Consumerism started with a fully developed commercial economy and access to global trade, including new goods. For example, sugar, which started out as an exotic luxury for the rich since Alexander the Great, had become a necessity for even the lowest worker by the French Revolution. As with many other items, this change in needs occurred as a result of the creation of the shop. With the shop, as opposed to a market, the shopkeeper feels pressure to get people into his store; this led to new marketing methods, buying on credit, and advertisements. Shopping focused on clothes, household items, and children’s toys, as new styles could easily be invented and sold. The increased usage of currency rather than bartering allowed for the middle and lower class to emulate high society’s shopping as well as demonstrate their own worth. New needs were continuously created, and acquiring goods became the measurement of a satisfactory life, as seen by the increase of detailed wills. Pleasurable pastimes also became a consumption: as coffee became a necessary item, it also became a social one, and coffeehouses were a way to spend money on an activity. This translated into restaurants, circuses, and other entertainment.

This initial change doesn’t explain everything. Most of the lower classes didn’t interact with the rich socialites who decorated their houses with the latest styles, religious teaching still opposed gratuitous material wealth, and society had strict rules preventing people from bettering their station through the mere acclimation of goods. The second wave of consumerism that developed into modern society came out of the United States, and is the reason the US is the poster child for consumption. The US colonies were closely tied to Europe in trade during the rise of Western European consumerism, and the favorable ratio of people to resources created a higher material standard. However, it was not until after 1800 that consumerism finally took off: the use of currency increased; social classes did not have the rigid background of Europe, and more opportunity arose to use goods as a social identity; and the home, with the creation of parlors, were more able to display a person’s wealth to the public world. The continued rapid development as opposed to Europe’s plateau may be attributed to a sense of inferiority to Europe and an attempt to compensate for the States’ “backwardness.” The rapid social change of the 19th century helped to increase the creation of new needs and deteriorating social distinctions, allowing the US to surpass Europe in consumerism by the late 1800’s.

After the Industrial Revolution, things just kept changing. The department store, catalogs, advertising agencies (which began in the 1870’s surprisingly), and credit facilities increased the desire for more and newer goods. Society satiated their desire through the invention of snacking, new forms of transportation, yearly models of cars, activities that required money and equipment, commercial performances. In an age of democracy, ads and products cut across social and ethnic lines: everyone has to brush their teeth! Parenting included comforting babies with new toys in the name of emotional development, and cigarettes (mostly) lost their male exclusivity. Envy became praised. Relationships became about consumer goods through gifts and activities, turning courtship into dating. Even holidays, with their religious meaning, became an avenue for another excuse to buy. Work becomes an instrument for gains to support all of this.

This evolution has certainly not been without comment. Religious groups, political groups, and now environmental groups have attacked consumerism in different forms as morally wrong, vulgar, and harmful to the environment. As our “wants” become “needs,” we require more and more in order to, in our opinion, survive. The basic structure of employment requires that we survive off consumer goods produced by one organization, but earned through sacrificing time and money to a completely different organization. Consuming is obligatory, and so can be manipulated into the wrong kind of consumption. Products are created to be less durable so they must be replaced (known as “planned obsolescence). Even the small amount of time not send on earning money and then spending it is often taken up through passive consumption of television or other entertainment, which leaves less time for autonomous activities that contribute to a person’s growth and development in the form of self-actualization. Consuming becomes our identity: what we own defines who we are.

Whew! That was a lot of background. If you’ve made it this far, take a break with an adorable puppy video.

On to modern times: there are a few interesting trends that have arisen from our consumer based society. One is the observation of “overspent Americans.” The expectation of how much a person needs to have before he/she can be satisfied is based on a reference group. Through social comparison, a person determines what and how much to buy based on other people’s spending habits and material possessions. Changes in employment and television has changed who we use as reference groups. Instead of comparing ourselves to our neighbors, who probably had a similar income, we now compare to our work colleagues or television counterparts. This creates problems, as in the workplace there is a range of salaries, and glamorous television programs often portray a lifestyle not accessible to the middle or lower class viewer, and so people more often have an inappropriate reference group. While a person may not necessarily buy things purely for the sake of appearing like those he or she wishes to emulate, constant exposure to that higher class of living creates desires and wants that come to seem like needs. First we were keeping up with the Joneses; now we’re keeping up with the Kardashians. As the top 20% are getting richer, the rest of the population is getting higher and higher expectations of success and satisfaction.

The competitive spending that results from social comparisons revolves around socially visible products, like cars, clothes, and houses. This results in brand names and designer logos, which in turn encourage us to not only buy more, but buy the right kinds of things. Invisible consumption, such as travel, as gotten around this by making visible products: museum shops and souvenirs provide material proof of an otherwise intangible consumption.

“But no,” you say. “I’m independent! I make my own choices! I don’t buy into this kind of thing!” But you probably do. There are important reasons to stay in the system: image is important for jobs, socializing often costs money, technology changes and requires updates. Most people protest that they don’t feel pressured, when in fact they are strongly influenced by television and their reference groups. The process can be boiled down to this: we see, we want, we borrow, and we buy. We see ads and media that depict a glamorous, or at least comfortable life. We want the house with two cars, but also the Caribbean vacation, the dream wedding, the new clothes every season, the updated smartphone, Tivo, the granite countertops, the flat screen TV, a new restaurant every week, the brand name purse, and the esteem of everyone you meet. And the house and car of the American dream? The neighborhood better look nice and safe, and the lawn needs to always be green, and the cars will be new, and one should be an SUV.

Now, all of this doesn’t apply to all of the bottom 80%. Below the poverty lines, the focus is more on having enough food this week than getting the newest Prada sunglasses. But the idea of “success” is still portrayed as having those luxuries which some of the middle class already thinks it deserves. And even the top percent aren’t completely satisfied. There’s always more.

But there’s another section of the population running in a different current: cheapness. Globalization has led to a consumer democracy: the consumer gets to choose, and among nearly identical products, the most deciding factor is usually price. As luxuries become necessities, we expect them to be at lower and lower prices: flexible home furnishings, electronics, even travel. Airline flights are no longer prestigious; a cheap plane ticket is a human right. Higher prices don’t necessarily mean higher quality anymore. We want more, and we want it for less. Accelerating this trend is price consciousness, made possible by the Internet. We aren’t going to just go into one store and buy what we need, we’re going to make sure we have a good price. Powerful stores like Wal-mart, with a focus on low price and abundance, make that expectation part of our daily lives.

Coupons are a way to get more and pay less. Studies have shown that a positive attitude toward coupons (unsurprisingly) results most heavily from expecting monetary savings and approval from others (namely one’s spouse). Coupon usage also decreases as the opportunity cost of time increases. In transaction utility theory, a shopper’s decision to buy is based not only on the value of the goods compared with the price, but also the perceived value of the “deal,” comparing the actual price to a reference price. Buying on sale, however, generally results in a shopper buying more than they would have normally. Those shoppers who do check prices are much more in tune with how much they are actually paying for an item. The culture of consumerism dictates that we must consume in increasing amounts, not only to survive, but to enjoy life; the attitude of cheapness wants to do this with the least possible amount of money and effort.

I could write a whole book on couponers and how they fit into the cheap consumer society. But instead, I’ll be focusing on a smaller section of the coupon community: extreme couponers. These are people who devote exorbitant amounts of time and energy to save money, specifically on groceries. How do they fit into the theories of consumerism? How do they reflect the desire for discounts? Do they fit into these sociological trends at all, or are they driven by personal psychological factors? In short, how can their behavior be explained? Over the next 8 weeks I will be watching TLC’s “Extreme Couponing” and interviewing extreme couponers in the Hampton Roads/Richmond Area to hopefully find answers to these questions.

Here’s a video of a sleepy baby tiger, for those of you who made it to the end.

Reading from the week:
Consumerism in World History, Peter N. Stearns, 2006
The Myth of Consumerism, Conrad Lodziak, 2002
Cheap: the real cost of the global trend for bargains, discounts, and consumer choice, David Bosshart, 2006
The Overspent American, Juliet Schor, 1998
“The Price Knowledge and Search of Supermarket Shopper,” Peter R. Dickson and Alan G. Sawyer, 1990
“A Price Discrimination Theory of Coupons,” Chakravarthi Narasimhan, 1984
“The Theory of Reasoned Action Applied to Coupon Usage,” Terence A. Chimp and Alican Kavas, 1984
“Mental Accounting and Consumer Choice,” Richard Thaler, 1985